Part 2 can be found here.
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The famous, the infamous; the noble, the ignoble; the hero, the villain. Ernesto "Che" Guevara is known as many things to many people, yet it seems the generation that has most readily adopted his image know the least about him. Why does the global youth lend authority to a person, and movement, they know nothing about?
THE DISENCHANTED TRAVELLER
Ernesto Guevara was born to a middle cIass family living in Peron's Argentina in 1928. Despite the fact that his middle cIass upbringing was threatened by Peron's working cIass oriented ideology, Guevara had little interest in politics in his home country. Indeed, Guevara enjoyed a protected and carefree childhood and adolescence. At the age of 23, Guevara, a medical student, and his friend, Alberto Granado, a biochemist, embarked on a cross-continent tour of South America on motorcycle from 1951 to '52.
His memoirs of the trip have since been released in the form of the book Motorcycle Diaries and, with the addition of other sources, a movie of the same name. Those seeking to understand Guevara's motivation for his participation in the Cuban Revolution would be hard-pressed to find any ideological undertones in either the book or the movie. The diaries are mostly descriptive and, apart from a few entries about the jaded history of South America, Guevara does not engage in any political or revolutionary discourse.
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In 1954, Guevara found himself in Guatemala, witnessing the shaming of its first democratically elected leader. President Rafael Arevalo's government had promised the nationalisation of a major US company, pledging the proceeds for redistribution among the poor. A military coup was financed against him by the company's owners, and he immediately stepped down when fighters strafed the presidential palace. When Guevara arrived in Guatemala City after the attack, he noted with vehemence in his diaries how angry he was about the lack of military response, but did not offer an opinion about the socio-political causality of the incident. His musings on the attack foreshadow his naive approach to conflict - it was a view that would later lead to the death of hundreds. From Guatemala, Guevara moved to Mexico, where he met a recently exiled militant from Cuba named Fidel Castro.
Guevara's rapid politicisation fell roughly along the ideology of the Cuban, and their commonality led to a tentative alliance. Both men envisioned a regional revolution against the economic and political imperialisation of Latin America. Both of them spurned the idea of a working cIass communist uprising in favour of direct military action. After Cuba's ruler, Batista, sabotaged an election, resulting in the death of one of his friends and colleagues, Castro became convinced that the only way forward was an armed revolution.
Castro enlisted the help of Guevara and 80 guerrilla fighter, and staged an attack on Batista's government in 1956. Batista's forces met the insurgents on the beach and opened fire, killing all but 18 of them. Guevara was among the survivors - wounded and barely able to breathe due to his chronic asthma. Despite their ill-fated start, Castro and Guevara made their way to the Sierra Maestra. On the way to their mountain stronghold, Guevara left a litter of bodies - ordering the execution of hundreds of alleged informants and deserters. Indeed, one of the charismatic leader's lesser known traits was his predilection for extra judicial executions. Leading by example, Guevara carried out many of the executions himself.
By 1958, Castro's revolutionary declarations were little more that statements of intent, as he had a standing army of only 500 guerrillas. Yet, by the middle of the year he marched triumphantly into Havana. In reality, Batista's government was corrupt and increasingly repressive in its attempts to suppress uprisings, but its fall from grace and standing did not bring about the promise of a better life for Cubans. Instead, it fertilised the growth of a dangerous ideology.
THE IDEOLOGUE
Neither Castro nor Guevara were politicians. The were militants - bad ones at that - who won popular legitimacy. Cuba's first political text was Guevara's Guerrilla Warfare - a tactical manual that became an ideology. In it, Guevara argues that revolution is an entirely military affair, and the socio-political history and context of the conflict has no bearing on its outcome. Dissatisfied with what he though was ineffectual cIass struggle, Guevara also wrote that it was the guerillas' right and responsibility to fight on behalf of the cIass that could not do it for themselves.
These dubious tactics had far-reaching ramifications. Castro's revolution had not gone unnoticed by Cuba's northern neighbour. The David and Goliath story that unfolded, as the US got its nose bloodied at the Bay of Pigs, inspired young Latin Americans from across the continent to go to Cuba and train in guerilla warfare. The trainees often had little schooling in the proletarian tradition, so their military training carried with it the imbedded ideology of Guevara's intentional political and social ignorance.
After the revolution, Guevara was appointed Director of the National Bank, putting him at the heart of Cuban economic policy-making and development. It was in this position that Guevara made his socialist impact on Cuba, writing such works as Man and Socialism in Cuba - a tome outlining the sacrifices Cubans would have to make in order to be economically independent. He was also responsible for the formation of the National Institute of Agrarian Reform, created to facilitate economic transformation. Guevara saw that Cuba could not be free until its economy was too, but the international political economy of the time frustrated his attempts at procuring some small measure of economic independence. Cuba was forced to turn to Russia for economic support.
The Cuban missile crisis of 1962 revealed to Guevara the true nature of Soviet Russia's geo-politics and, disillusioned, he resigned from his government positions, seeking a new windmill to tilt. his primary concern was the liberation of Latin America, with special attention paid to Argentina - a country he thought ripe for revolution. However, repeated attempts at creating a guerrilla foco, or cell, in the country failed. Determined to prove his theory was not at fault, Guevara embarked on a revolutionary mission to the Congo.
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The experience was telling. Guevara's theory precluded the need for intelligence about the causes of the conflict, local languages, or terrain. As a result, the Cubans arrived with little or no knowledge about who they were fighting for, or who they were fighting against. The mission was an abysmal failure, with Guevara delirious with fever for one month of the three they spent there. No fighting was done, and the Cubans only just managed to escape the country.
Guevara returned to Cuba to find that his teachings had indeed spread through Latin America - to grisly effect. The young activists who had gone to Cuba to train had gone back to their countries, and put their new knowledge to application. In most cases, their revolutions were short-lived ones, as the cells were quickly discovered due to lack of intelligence. The arrogant political ignorance so lauded by Guevara led to an entire generation of activist being slaughtered. Still not satisfied, Guevara planned a mission he would lead.
Nobody is sure why he chose Bolivia. There is some conjecture that it had to do with the fact that there was already a small revolutionary force there, or the fact that it neighbours Argentina - his prime target. Regardless, once again, Guevara did not do his homework - concentrating only on military logistics, and paying not attention to politics. From the start, said witnesses and participants, the mission was "ill-conceived, ill-prepared, and totally misguided".
Guevara's guerrillas, numbering 400 (half of which were Cuban), were discovered early by the US-trained Bolivian counter-terrorist team, and were forced to flee across hostile terrain they knew nothing about. Guevara's last days were spent on the back of a young mine worker, too weak and undernourished to walk. Tragically, Guevara was less than 200 miles from a region sympathetic to "his" cause. Had he done the research, he might have been able to avoid his subsequent capture. Discovered in the village of La Higuera, Guevara was summarily executed the next day by a Bolivian army sergeant, under the watchful eye of CIA representative, Gary Prado.
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